Oct. 12 is a National Day of Solidarity with Tucson

Support the struggle for Mexican American Studies in Arizona! Organize a house party/fundraiser on Oct. 12 and defend freedom of education in the United States!

The Difference Between a Political and a Pedagogical Judgments White Lies And What’s to be Done?

Roldofo F. Acuna

When I was a kid there was what we used to call white lies.  You distinguished them from lies that were untrue. You told white lies because you did not want to reveal a secret or hurt someone’s feelings. Children would easily get caught telling lies – we were not too good at it. However, we got better as we marched into adulthood often believing our own lies.  

I guess I never grew up, a lie remained a lie. When I started to write commentaries in the 1980s this got me into trouble with many of my politico friends. They told me that what they said were not lies but political judgments. The first rule in politics, they said, was to get re-elected.  

In L.A., I began to lose friends not only because I had to tell it like I saw it, but because as a writer and historian if I got caught in a lie, my moral authority suffered and this undermined the purpose for writing. At first it was easy because I concentrated in exposing the injustices in the system. But as Mexican Americans and Latinos became part of the system I found myself criticizing my friends.  

The issues that caused me the most anguish were police brutality, education and Latino politicians taking large sums of campaign funds from the likes of Downtown Real Estate Attorney  Richard Riordan and developer Eli Broad. When I criticized them mutual friends would say that they were making “political judgments” and that to be successful and remain players that they had to make these sorts of compromises.  

I could not live with the contradictions so I distanced myself -- unwilling to make a complete break because there were issues where they got it right and benefited the community.  

I literally got sucked into the controversies in Arizona. I have been interested in the abuse of immigrants there since the 1970s with the Hanigan Case where a well-connected rancher and owner of a Dairy Queen and his two sons tortured three undocumented Mexican workers. It infuriated me that the state court would not convict them.

My interest peaked in the 1980s with the sanctuary movement and the trial of my friend and poet Demetria Martínez for transporting two Salvadoran undocumented workers. Demetria was acquitted but a 25-year sentence hung over her head and that bothered me.

The persecution of undocumented workers picked up in the late 1990s as the government closed the corridors carrying drugs and poor Latin Americans into the United States from Baja California and points south.  The tactic was inhumane, forcing immigrants to travel through the badlands of Southern Arizona, which was dominated by right wing ranchers who would hunt down the Mexican workers and their families.

What they could not “roundup,” the boiling sun would kill. To date way over a thousand Mexicans and Latin Americans have died on the hot sands of southern Arizona—a thousand fold more than died trying to get across the Berlin Wall.

SB 1070 was passed in 2010.  It brought an immediate reaction both inside and outside Arizona. A boycott was called, which quickly dissipated. For a time, unions and progressives outside of Arizona held rallies in Phoenix. However, Arizona’s anti-racist campaign was quickly eclipsed as struggles in Wisconsin and Ohio took center stage. Not wanting to offend local contributors the Democratic Party turned the other way and allowed Blue Dogs and others to make their arrangements as political judgments dictated their choices.

A few progressive writers uncovered the motivations behind 1070 for which many people claim credit. Kansas attorney general Kris Kobach who considers his anti-immigrant crusade a substitute for military service was one of the hooded authors.  Most claim that the impeached Senator Russell Pearce was the author of 1070, which was signed into law by Arizona Gov. Jan Brewer (R) in April 2010. 

Meanwhile, other than the legal strategy – from my perspective – much of the outrage over the law leaked from the punctured balloon. More and more political judgments were made. Politicians of all stripes hardly mentioned that Pearce was only a bag man. The mainstream media forgot that the authors of the bill were the Corrections Corporation of America (CCA),and  the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC); they drafted SB1070 “to protect the profitability of private prisons funded with taxpayer dollars.” 

Special interests made a killing on the hate Mexican campaign.  Hate was and is profitable.

As an early blogger commented “SB1070 cannot be separated from its drafters, whose sole mission is to craft profitable legislation. The purpose of a state criminal designation for undocumented people is the diversion of immigrants into for-profit prisons and a tax-subsidized holding period before federal immigration proceedings can proceed. Not only was the law never about Arizona, it wasn't even written by or for Arizonans.” 

ALEC must be remembered controls at least 50 Republicans in the Arizona State Legislature and has ties with elites throughout the country and state including the Southern Arizona Leadership Council. Its drive to privatize Arizona was made possible by a culture of fear. 

HB 2281 was passed shortly after SB 1070; from the beginning from the beginning it has been eclipsed by the latter.  Unfortunately most if not all politicians make political judgments, which are not necessarily made to improve society. In the case of education they are certainly not based on sound pedagogical considerations.  

I have been an educator for almost sixty years and my first question is, how does this improve the education of Mexican American, Latinos and other students? Education is my vocation.

If Arizona had made a good faith effort to educate Mexican American and other students I would have given them the benefit of the doubt. However, Arizona is 50th in per capita spending per child in the nation. It has been under a court order to desegregate for over thirty-five years. The highly respected Tucson Unified School District Mexican American Studies Program was created in 1997 and was funded by a Federal Desegregation order and the product of decades of struggle.

Despite this and the closing the Rincon and Palo Verde high schools, the firing of more than 100 teachers and a low approval rating,  the TUSD Board of Education last month renewed Superintendent of Schools John Pedicone’s contract through June 30, 2014, which will pay him $211,000 a year plus benefits and allowances plus a $35,000 bonus. This is in a city where the cost of living is very low.

This is the same Pedicone that dismantled the MAS program, which Latino politicos have sacrificed on the altar of political judgments. The lives of several MAS teachers have been destroyed, which makes it all the more tragic because those making the political judgments were supposedly friends of the fired teachers who had worked on their campaigns.

This mendacious political judgment was predictable.  The Board was stacked just after Democratic pro-MAS board member Democrat Judy Burns died and was replaced by Republican anti-MAS Alexandre Borges Sugiyama. There are rumors of fraud: Sugiyama had not shown previous interest in education – he unqualified.

A five member committee made up of all white Republicans recommended his appointment. His only qualification was that he was a part time instructor in the same Department as Board President Mark Stegeman and he was approved by Pedicone. The latter two have ties to the Southern Arizona Leadership Council. The Pima superintendent who is part of the Tucson Ring made the appointment.

If this was not enough, Pedicone had ordered excessive force against community activists.  Professor Guadalupe Castillo, a longtime friend of many of the Latino politicos, who qas approaching 70 years old was thrown to the ground by police and arrested.  So much for familial and fraternal ties and loyalties.  I guess it was a political judgment because it was certainly not a pedagogical one.

This abuse of power has turned off some of the best students who now have become cynical about government.  It is difficult for them to distinguish a political judgment from a lie.

In speaking to students and parents they are dismayed at the numerous instances of abuse of power.

For example, in January there was a White House summit for Latino education. Sean Arce, the coordinator of MAS, attended and testified. Normally this conduct is protected by the whistleblower statute. However, Arce was admonished by his superiors and shortly afterwards fired for criticizing the system.  

Students and parents also criticized the TUSD’s infamous censorship of books. At the forefront of these abuses were Stegeman and Pedicone who were licensed by state and local elites.  Thus they make no pretense at fairness or explaining their actions in pedagogical terms. Rather Stegeman like Tom Horne and John Huppenthal sees MAS a conspiracy to reconquer Arizona. Stegeman made the outlandish claim that he knew MAS was a cult when he heard them use farmworker handclap.

I wonder what significance he gives to white students clapping to Freddie Mercury’s “We Will Rock You!” at a University of Arizona football game.

However, with this said those concerned about HB 2281 have to accept some of the blame for the political judgments. As I have said before Arizona ushers in a new era. To deal with this new reality we must adopt new strategies:

We have known for some time that Arizona was coming, and we should have adapted. Places like Tucson are isolated and do not have the internal structure that Los Angeles, for instance, has. If a national organization is not going to help, it should at least hold workshops for potential plaintiffs. Having gone a large discrimination suit, a rule of thumb is that the plaintiff(s) control the case, not the attorneys.

Nothing is gained by calling a politico a vendido (sellout). This cuts communication. The important objective is to win or make your case. Palo dado ni díos lo quita. People remember what they perceive as insults.

We must always keep in mind that the case is not personal but represents the interests of the community.

Working with Salvadoran groups in the 1980s I found them much more focused than Mexican American organizations. Run mostly by women they insisted that the meeting begin on time. No drinking or smoking was allowed and you could only speak if recognized. They had a purpose which was the liberation of El Salvador.

We have to learn and constantly reassess our tactics.

As I have often mentioned, my mother did not complete the first grade, she was legally blind and anemic. Because of the Mexican Revolution my father completed the fourth grade. When I went out they would tell me never to soil the family name –that’s all we really had.

People can make mistakes but when it comes to education, I hold myself to a higher standard.  It is my professional judgment that kids are being hurt by Pedicone, Stegeman and company. However, to be effective I have to stay focused and continually ask myself what I am fighting for?

Arizona should be ashamed of itself and so should professionals such as myself who have not learned from the past.

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Depositions begin this week in the case against HB 2281. You can donate by clicking on to http://saveethnicstudies.org/ . We are run entirely by volunteers; however, depositions are expensive. Please donate at least $5 a month.

Depositions have started in the case against Sean Arce and José González. Four hours of depositions were taken of both Arce and Gonzalez. Our side deposed Ward this past week. Please donate: https://www.wepay.com/donations/144408

Browning of America - Olmeca - No Papers, No Fear - Ride for Justice Blog

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Browning of America - Olmeca

September 01, 2012 by Olmeca

Olmeca Offers Advanced Preview of Upcoming Album in "Browning of America" Track 
to Support No Papers No Fear Ride for Justice

As Undocumented Riders Arrive at DNC, Hip-Hop Artist Olmeca Sends Saludos and Releases New Track

Los Angeles, CA
Inspired by the undocumented participants in the No Papers No Fear Ride for Justice, Hip-Hop artist, Olmeca, offers a sneak peak of the track "Browning of America" from his upcoming album, Brown is Beautiful.

Browning of America - Olmeca - No Papers, No Fear - Ride for Justice Blog

CALL FOR PAPERS. November 1-3, 2012 - Tucson Freedom Coalition Conference A Revolutionary Praxis of Hope

SAVE ETHNIC STUDIES

Tucson Freedom Coalition Conference

A Revolutionary Praxis of Hope

November 1-3, 2012 - Tucson, AZ

The Tucson Freedom Coalition (TFC) is an outgrowth of the struggle for Ethnic Studies in Tucson, Arizona. We see this struggle as having national implications, with Arizona as the epicenter of the current fight for Xicana/o rights. Tucson Freedom Coalition is already a national movement of Xicana/o activists, artists, organizers and educators who are collectively committed to building a political and cultural movement of resistance to reaffirm and restore the humanity of the Xicana/o community. As Franz Fanon writes, “A nation which is born of the people’s concerted action and which embodies the real aspirations of the people while changing the state cannot exist save in the expression of exceptionally rich forms of culture.”

Working toward a solid plan of personal, community and national liberation is the theme for this conference; a revolutionary praxis of hope working toward the reconstruction of the Xicana/o movement. The call to national resistance is one familiar to the Xicana/o community since 1848. That resistance has evolved over the years but there has always been a recurring theme of national resistance, until now.  Four decades have passed since the height of what we call the Xicana/o movement, and there remain no national organizations carrying on the Xicana/o agenda, if it can be argued there is such a thing. This a sobering thought indeed because in order to be a national group three things are necessary: national leadership, national policy (or more exactly a way to implement it quickly) and national activity. National activity builds and develops a shared experience and collective conscience along with identity. We presently lack these three basic building blocks. The fact that most “Xicana/o politics” remain primarily within the student realm is also disheartening since the original intent of the Santa Barbara plan was to have the campus serve as a nucleus of the community. However, if it both starts and dies there, we the intellectual heirs of a street born mass movement, rising from the disenfranchisement and poverty of an entire group of people, have fallen into the trap of being nothing more than a social club climbing the ladder of bourgeoisie success.

Simultaneously, grassroots activists for marginalized communities, as well as advocates for social justice and human rights have also faced demoralizing and dehumanizing political attacks. Arizona has been the incubator for national policies and laws that are built around exploitation, alienation, and dispossession. Thus, it is fitting that Tucson, Arizona be the epicenter of a commitment toward liberation and empowerment for allies of the Xicana/o struggle and all who are dedicated to like struggles in their communities around the nation. It is time for solidarity and collective action!

Save Ethnic Studies and the Tucson Freedom Coalition invites activists, organizers, educators and artists to join us on November 1-3, 2012 in Tucson, AZ as we begin to address these crucial questions:

How do we create national structures that will speak to policy and organization that can enforce that policy?  As the Xicana/o population increases, we find ourselves more disenfranchised from the power structure. How do we build autonomous structures of our own outside of the large corporate funders and the government? Now more than ever our community is ready to collectively take the reins and work for liberation. Where are the organizing trainers and others to assume some type of responsibility?

We propose the following outcomes for the conference:

1. The creation of a national organization to generate and enforce political policy for Xicana/os

2. The creation of a Xicana/o think tank to create policy and research specifically for Xicana/os

3. A national training institute for organizers

Call for ProposalsProposals will need to address one of the following areas:

1. How do we create national structures that will speak to policy and organization that can enforce that policy?  As the Xicana/o population increases, we find ourselves more disenfranchised from the power structure. How do we build autonomous structures of our own outside of the large corporate funders and the government?

2. Now more than ever our community and our allies are ready to collectively take the reins and work for liberation. Where are the organizing trainers and others to assume some type of governing responsibility? What models of organizing and resistance are you using in your communities?

Presentation Formats

Panels or Papers:

These presentations are an opportunity to describe and share current work, theoretical perspectives, or research.  Panels may be organized ahead of time by the group submitting the proposal as well as conference organizers grouping similar papers onto one panel.  Presentations in this section will be 1 hour in length and should allow time for discussion.

Workshops:

Interactive workshop will share specific strategies for organizing or teaching and are an opportunity for individuals or groups to engage conference participants in hands-on, practical applications for addressing the conference themes.  Workshops will be 1 hour and 30 minutes long.

Performances:

A limited number of artistic or cultural performances will be selected for the conference. Performances should connect to the theme of the larger call and address the outcomes in a performative manner.  Performances will vary in length.

Proposal Submissions:

Proposals should be submitted to info@saveethnicstudies.org as an MS Word file no more than 500 words in length.  All proposals should must address the following areas:

1.    Title, type of proposal (paper/panel, workshop or performance), lead presenter and organization, additional presenters and organizations.

2.    Content in relation to the conference: How will this presentation address the conference theme and how will this presentation help to advance the goals of the conference?

3.    Format: Describe the proposed presentation in terms of the sequences of activities to be shared as well as any resources participants will receive. We encourage interactive, experiential presentations that engage the audience and are participatory in nature.

Proposals are due by September 14, 2012.  Notifications of acceptance will be sent out by September 30, 2012.

Conference Fee: Conference organizers are committed to offering access to anyone interested and hope that this will become an annual gathering of diverse individuals committed to a revolutionary praxis of hope.  To cover the costs of facilitating the conference the following fee will be due with registration:

Individuals: $25

Individuals associated with an institution: $50

"As individuals or as peoples, by fighting for the restoration of our humanity we will be attempting the restoration of true generosity. And this fight, because of the purpose given it, will actually constitute an act of love." – Paulo Friere